The Impeachment Hoaxers Lied

Declassified Records Reveal Coordinated Ukraine Impeachment Hoax

Seven months after the July 2025 “Lied” series exposed how the Obama administration, elements of the Intelligence Community, and legacy media deliberately manufactured the Russiagate hoax to undermine Donald Trump’s legitimate 2016 victory over Hillary Clinton, the same damning pattern has now been laid bare in the 2019 Ukraine impeachment episode.

DNI Tulsi Gabbard and House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Chairman Rick Crawford released two long-classified HPSCI transcripts from September 19 and October 4, 2019, along with more than 350 pages of supporting documents detailing closed-door briefings with then-Intelligence Community Inspector General Michael Atkinson. These records were deliberately buried in a Capitol SCIF by Adam Schiff’s committee for over six years — the only major impeachment-related materials kept from the American people at the time.

What they reveal is not honest bureaucratic disagreement or routine oversight. It is the continuation of the post-2016 “Resistance” machinery: a network of partisan actors who could not accept Trump’s election and instead weaponized government processes to try to remove him from office. The declassified evidence confirms the Ukraine “whistleblower” episode was never the clean, independent alert Democrats and the media sold to the public. It was a coordinated setup built on the same tactics of undisclosed conflicts, procedural manipulation, and selective secrecy that defined Russiagate.

Top Ten Knowns

(Straight from the Declassified Atkinson Transcripts and Supporting Documents)

  1. The so-called whistleblower, Eric Ciaramella, was a registered Democrat who had worked directly on Ukraine policy for Vice President Joe Biden, including matters involving Burisma.
  2. Ciaramella initiated contacts with Democratic staff on Adam Schiff’s House Intelligence Committee before formally filing his complaint on August 12, 2019.
  3. Ciaramella failed to disclose those pre-filing congressional contacts on the official whistleblower form — signed under penalty of perjury — or during his interviews with the ICIG. He only later “explained” the discrepancy to Atkinson’s office.
  4. ICIG Michael Atkinson explicitly acknowledged “indicia of arguable political bias” tied to Ciaramella’s Democratic registration and Biden ties, yet still certified the complaint as an “urgent concern that appeared credible.”
  5. The complaint was overwhelmingly second-hand hearsay. Ciaramella was not even on the July 25, 2019 Trump-Zelensky phone call; he relied on accounts from NSC officials tied to Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman.
  6. Atkinson admitted under oath that he never personally reviewed the actual call transcript during the mandatory 14-day review period.
  7. The Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel and acting DNI Joseph Maguire both determined the complaint did not meet the statutory definition of an “urgent concern” — it involved presidential diplomacy and foreign policy, not core intelligence activities — and raised strong jurisdictional objections.
  8. Atkinson overruled those legal objections from DOJ and the DNI and rushed the complaint directly to Schiff’s committee anyway.
  9. While pushing the complaint forward, Atkinson briefed the FBI. At the same time, Schiff’s committee immediately classified the transcripts of Atkinson’s own testimony and restricted them to a secure SCIF, shielding them from public scrutiny.
  10. Atkinson repeatedly testified that he and his team had “no personal or team knowledge” of the pre-filing contacts with Schiff’s staff precisely because those contacts were never reported to the ICIG.

Top Ten Unknowns

(Critical Questions Still Demanding Full Declassification)

  1. What specific guidance, encouragement, or drafting assistance did Schiff’s Democratic staff provide to Ciaramella during those pre-filing meetings?
  2. Exactly how much did Adam Schiff personally know in real time about the staff contacts and Ciaramella’s partisan background?
  3. Were any Obama or Biden White House officials aware of or involved in the early stages of the complaint process?
  4. Which “supervisor evaluations” did Atkinson rely on when he chose to downplay the documented “arguable political bias”?
  5. Were there additional unreported communications between Ciaramella, the Vindman brothers, and Schiff’s team or other congressional Democrats?
  6. What was contained in the still-classified appendix to the whistleblower complaint?
  7. Why did the FBI’s initial response to Atkinson’s referral appear so limited and slow?
  8. Did similar pre-filing coordination tactics occur with other witnesses during the 2019 impeachment push?
  9. What role did Obama/Biden-era holdovers inside the ICIG office play in shaping Atkinson’s rushed certification?
  10. Which additional 2019 HPSCI, ICIG, or FBI records remain hidden or heavily redacted that would expose the full extent of the network?

Side-by-Side Quotes: The Lies Exposed

Adam Schiff on MSNBC’s Morning Joe, September 17, 2019:

“We have not spoken directly with the whistleblower. We would like to, but I’m sure the whistleblower has concerns…”

ICIG Michael Atkinson under oath, HPSCI_ICIG_Transcript_02, October 4, 2019:

“I had no personal or team knowledge of any contacts with House Intelligence Committee members or staff prior to the filing… The whistleblower did not check the box for congressional reporting on the form and interviews yielded no such references.”

Atkinson on the whistleblower’s bias, same transcript:

“The whistleblower self-disclosed as a registered Democrat with a prior professional relationship with one of the 2020 Democratic presidential candidates… I included indicia of arguable political bias in the transmittal, but after supervisor input we concluded it did not affect credibility.”

These are not minor discrepancies. They are direct contradictions between public statements and sworn testimony — enabled by years of deliberate classification under Schiff’s control.

This is the identical multi-institutional deception playbook we documented in the original “Lied” series. From the Clinton-funded Steele dossier rushed into the 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment, to the suppression of exculpatory intelligence, to the media echo chamber — and now to the Ukraine whistleblower channel. Russiagate and the 2019 impeachment were not separate events. They were sequential chapters in the same relentless effort by those who refused to accept Hillary Clinton’s defeat to delegitimize, weaken, and ultimately remove a duly elected President.

The American people were lied to — systematically and shamelessly. Big Tech even aided the cover-up by banning mentions of Ciaramella’s name on Facebook and YouTube in late 2019.

Even if statutes of limitations have largely run, the truth still matters. DNI Tulsi Gabbard and Chairman Rick Crawford have begun tearing down the wall of secrecy. The American public deserves the rest: every remaining email, every staff guidance note, every unreleased ICIG and FBI document.

The hoaxers lied — twice. The declassifications keep proving it. The pattern holds, and the resistance to Trump’s 2016 mandate stands fully exposed.

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James K. Bishop

James K. Bishop is a conservative writer and raconteur hailing from Texas, known for his incisive and often provocative takes on political and cultural issues. With a staunch commitment to originalist constitutional principles, he emphasizes limited government, individual liberties, and traditional American values. Active on X under the handle @James_K_Bishop, he frequently engages his audience with sharp critiques of progressive policies, media narratives, and overreaches by the federal government. His style is direct, often laced with humor and wit, which resonates strongly with his conservative followers.